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参加选举的学院专家辩论和观众对话(第4部分)

The Electoral College Experts Debate and Audience Dialogue (Part 4)
课程网址: http://videolectures.net/mitworld_debate_experts4/  
主讲教师: Robert Hardaway; John Fortier; Barnett Arnold I; Judith Best; Alan Natapoff; David Hawking; Paul Schumaker; Alexander Keyssar; Robert Bennett; Vikram Amar; Akhil Amar; Belenky Alexander S
开课单位: 纽约州立大学
开课时间: 2013-06-04
课程语种: 英语
中文简介:
就像我们分裂的国家一样,这场辩论的每一方都在努力理解对方的观点,在选举团的命运上没有达成共识。在感觉像宪法和政治科学的混战中,参加者提出问题并引发交流。下面是一个简短的讨论主题列表:朱迪思最想知道,一个目前在宪法修正案之外进行全国性的全民投票的运动如何在不篡夺宪法程序的情况下实现其目标。罗伯特·贝内特回应说,拥护者认为他们既没有推翻宪法制度,也没有侵犯联邦政府的特权。Alexander Belenky问大众投票支持者认为这会带来什么好处。作为回报,亚历山大·凯撒(Alexander Keyssar)问道:“为什么人们在决定自己的政治体制是什么样时,不应该拥有最终的发言权?”罗伯特·哈达威担心直接全国选举的实施。约翰福蒂尔指出,各州在不同的投票标准(如投票时间或邮寄选票)上可能存在问题。Akhil Amar补充道,“谁投票,谁不投票?”如果一个州允许16岁和18岁的孩子,这公平吗?如果一个州允许你投票三个月,另一个州允许你投票三个小时,这是平等的吗?这些都是真正的问题,但归根结底,不要把我吓跑。”全国性的民众投票是不是因为惰性和政党对选举团的偏好而注定要失败?贝内特设想,如果一个全国性投票的温和版本出现,反对党可能会消亡。Akhil Amar认为,如果两党都觉得“被欧盟系统咬到了背上”,他们会说“让我们走吧”。Vikram Amar说,不同于其他宪法修正案的想法(如平衡预算或学校祈祷),大众投票具有“牵引力的潜力”,因为它涉及改善民主制度。阿拉伯国家联盟。贝斯特认为,支持普选的人“优先考虑的问题是错误的,应该优先考虑参议院。”Vikram Amar同意参议院是不合时宜的,这是原始协议的一部分,旨在完成宪法,但Akhil Amar表示,有充分的理由希望改变总统职位,以及“不需要重新考虑参议院的选举机制。”Belenky想知道,如果我们以微弱多数票选出一位在每个州都失去选票的总统,这是否有利于国家。keysar反驳道,“对于任何可能的选举制度,这里的其他人都会想到一个灾难性的反例。”best坚持认为,“作为思想家,我们必须小心不要混淆结局和手段:选举的目标是产生一位能统治这个国家的总统。”Akhil Amar总结道,“m任何反对普选的论据实际上都是红鲱鱼,这可能足以说服人们坚持我们现在的立场。Bennett说,“我不认为有任何疑问,如果我们参加全国普选,可能会产生意想不到的后果,但我们认为这会带来意想不到的后果。”“我会在某种程度上致命,这是对一个观点的过度渲染。”
课程简介: Much like our divided country, each side of this debate strains to comprehend the perspective of the other, together reaching no consensus on the fate of the Electoral College. In what feels like a constitutional law and political science scrimmage, participants lob questions and spark exchanges. What follows is a short list of discussion themes: Judith Best wonders how a movement currently pursuing a nationwide popular vote outside of a Constitutional amendment can accomplish its goal without usurping Constitutional process. Robert Bennett responds that advocates believe they are neither overturning the Constitutional system nor encroaching on the prerogatives of federal government. Alexander Belenky asks what benefits popular vote proponents think it will bring. Alexander Keyssar asks in return, “Why shouldn’t people … have the ultimate voice in deciding what their political institutions look like?” Robert Hardaway worries about implementation of the direct national election. John Fortier notes possible problems among states over differing voting standards (e.g., polling hours, or mail-in ballots). Akhil Amar adds, “Who votes and who doesn’t? Is it fair if one state allows 16-year-olds and another 18-year-olds? Is it equal if one state lets you vote for three months and another lets you vote for three hours? These are real issues, but in the end don’t scare me away.” Is a national popular vote doomed due to inertia and the preference of political parties for the Electoral College? Bennett imagines opposition might wither if a modest version of a nationwide vote emerged. Akhil Amar believes if both parties feel “bitten in the back” by the EC system, they’ll say “let’s move.” Vikram Amar says unlike other ideas for constitutional amendments (such as for a balanced budget or school prayer), a popular vote has “potential for traction,” since it involves improving democracy. Best thinks proponents of popular election “have their priorities wrong and should go after the Senate first.” Vikram Amar agrees that the Senate is anachronistic, part of the original deal “to get the Constitution done” but Akhil Amar states there are “perfectly sound reasons for wanting to change the presidency and selection mechanism that do not require rethinking the Senate.” Belenky wonders if it’s good for the country if we elect a president by a thin plurality who has lost the popular vote in every state. Keyssar retorts “that for any conceivable electoral system the rest of people here…can think of a disastrous counter example.” Best insists that “as thinkers, we must be careful to not confuse end and means: the goal of an election is to produce a president who can govern this nation.” Concludes Akhil Amar, “Many arguments invoked against popular elections are actually red herrings, which might be sufficient to persuade people to stick with what we’ve got now.” Says Bennett, “I don’t think there’s any doubt, if we go to a national popular vote … there might be unexpected consequences …but the notion that it will be somehow fatal is an over-dramatization of a point.”
关 键 词: 政治混战; 宪法制度; 政治机构; 选择机制; 全民投票
课程来源: 视频讲座网
最后编审: 2020-06-07:yumf
阅读次数: 44