美古关系:长期解冻的开始?U.S.-Cuba Relations: The Beginning of a Long Thaw? |
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课程网址: | http://videolectures.net/mitworld_smith_sweig_cuba/ |
主讲教师: | Julia E. Sweig, Wayne Smith |
开课单位: | 国际政策中心 |
开课时间: | 2013-01-28 |
课程语种: | 英语 |
中文简介: | 令这些经验丰富的古巴专家感到沮丧的是,奥巴马政府并没有在与卡斯特罗政权的关系中迅速解冻。尽管50年来对古巴的冷漠反感似乎没有迅速结束,但发言人最近发现了一些充满希望的变暖迹象。 韦恩史密斯已经看到了真正的双边关系来去的机会。在美国断绝外交关系之前,他于1958年首次前往古巴。 1977年吉米卡特试图重新开放讨论频道时,他是第一个回去的人。在里根当选后,史密斯于1982年离开了外交部门,并且非常希望克林顿在苏联解体后能够软化美国的立场。但美国的古巴流亡者成功地保留了对古巴的强硬政策。史密斯说:“我们又来了:另一个机会。”史密斯说,开始与古巴建立“成熟的关系”符合美国的最佳利益。他认为窗户现在开了一个裂缝。他认识许多古巴裔美国人,他们的家庭失去了财产,或者有亲属被监禁,“50年后他们开始说,是时候开始说话了。” Julia Sweig说,在半个世纪的“异常,不自然的关系”之后,我们可能正在进入“一个有趣的变革时期”。几年前,在菲德尔·卡斯特罗病逝之后,古巴发起了一项“重大改革议程”。在短短34分钟的就职演说中,卡斯特罗任命的继任者,兄弟劳尔,“暗示了人们对这种强烈的不快感的认识。岛,“宣布拟议的内部旅行自由,并讨论农业和货币改革。 “他听起来更像玛格丽特·撒切尔,而不是卡尔·马克思,”瑞格说。但是,这种为古巴人扩大机会的新举措在2008年因三次毁灭性的飓风,世界商品和金融市场的崩溃以及菲德尔卡斯特罗的复苏而脱轨(他“臭名昭着地对市场过敏,”Sweig说)。 古巴之外有一些乐观的理由。 Sweig认为古巴裔美国人的公众舆论发生了重大转变,尤其是帮助奥巴马投票的年轻人群。人们普遍认为禁运已经失败,美国应完全取消禁令。奥巴马政府表示对古巴略微软化,允许家庭汇款,并表示可能允许美国电信公司在古巴开展业务。 Sweig认为“这种冰川,几乎就像穿过花生酱一样,我们在双边关系中的变化速度适合每个政府。”她以一个真正的亮点结束:2009年9月哥伦比亚音乐家Juanes的哈瓦那音乐会,证明了这一点。美国和古巴可以在没有政府阻碍的情况下彼此进行有意义的接触。 |
课程简介: | To the dismay of these seasoned Cuba specialists, the Obama administration is not pursuing a rapid thaw in relations with the Castro regime. While there appears no speedy end to 50 years of icy antipathy toward Cuba, the speakers detect a few hopeful signs of warming in recent times. Wayne Smith has seen opportunities for a real bilateral relationship come and go. He first went to Cuba in 1958, just before the U.S. broke off diplomatic relations. He was among the first to go back in 1977 when Jimmy Carter attempted to reopen channels for discussion. Smith left the foreign service in 1982 after Reagan was elected, and had great hopes that Clinton would soften the U.S. stance following the collapse of the Soviet Union. But Cuban exiles in the U.S. succeeded in retaining a hard-line policy against Cuba. Smith says, “Here we are again: another opportunity.” It’s in the best interest of the U.S., says Smith, to begin “a mature relationship” with Cuba. He thinks the window is open a crack now. He knows many Cuban-Americans whose families lost property, or had relatives imprisoned, and “50 years later have come around to say, it’s time to begin talking.” We may be entering “an interesting period of change” following a half century of “abnormal, unnatural relations,” says Julia Sweig. A few years ago, on the heels of Fidel Castro’s illness, Cuba initiated a “significant reform agenda.” In a record-short (34 minute) inaugural speech, Castro’s appointed successor, brother Raul, “implied awareness of the intense unhappiness on the island,” announcing proposed internal travel freedoms, and discussing agrarian and currency reform. “He sounded often more like Margaret Thatcher than Karl Marx,” says Sweig. But this fledgling effort to expand opportunities for Cubans was derailed in 2008 by three devastating hurricanes, the collapse of world commodity and financial markets, and Fidel Castro’s recovery (he’s “notoriously allergic to the market,” Sweig says). There is some reason for optimism beyond Cuba. Sweig perceives a major shift in public opinion among Cuban-Americans, especially the young cohort that helped vote in Obama. There’s a prevailing sense that the embargo has failed, and that America should completely lift its travel ban. And the Obama administration has indicated a slight softening toward Cuba, permitting family remittances, and signaling that it might allow American telecom companies to do business in Cuba. Sweig believes “this glacial, almost like walking through peanut butter pace of change that we have in bilateral relations suits each government just fine.” She concludes with a genuine bright spot: the September ‘09 Havana concert by Colombian musician Juanes, which demonstrated that the U.S. and Cuba can have meaningful contact with each other “without governments getting in the way.” |
关 键 词: | 奥巴马政府; 卡斯特罗政权; 强硬政策 |
课程来源: | 视频讲座网 |
最后编审: | 2019-06-15:cjy |
阅读次数: | 84 |